19 May 2020: From January to June 2017 - 28,757 Somali refugees from Kenya were voluntarily repatriated to Somalia by UNHCR as part of its programme and benefited from an enhanced return package. The competition between UAE and Qatar over political and economic dominance in Somalia continued to exacerbate intra-Somalia tensions, both between Mogadishu and federal states, and with Somaliland. Although Somalia has a low HIV/AIDS adult prevalence rate of 0.7%, about 34,000 people were living with HIV/AIDS in 2009 with about 1600 deaths recorded within the same year. Critically, the Somali Government, the federal member states and the international community should refocus efforts on reducing local conflicts, as part of the broader strategy to combat al-Shabaab and build stronger relations between State and society. Despite USD $1 billion of international financial assistance and international training since 2012, the Somali National Army (SNA) continues to lack the gamut of fighting capacities, relying instead on international forces to wrest territory from al- Shabaab, or even to keep the group from openly retaking other large territories, including majorcities. Inter-clan and intra-security force violence, often over control of land and revenge killings, led to civilian deaths, injuries, and displacement, as did sporadic military operations, including airstrikes, against Al-Shabab by Somali government forces, African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) troops, and other foreign forces. Federal and regional authorities, particularly in Somaliland, continued to restrict free expression and media freedoms, including by harassing and arbitrarily detaining journalists and perceived critics, and temporarily shutting down media outlets. Efforts have been made to combat this problem, but as of now, they have proved to be relatively ineffective. The situation in Somalia is putting growing pressures on both the Somali Government and the international community to scale up the use of such militias. The section concludes with an analysis of the specific risks associated with the activities of the main militias across Somalia. Internally displaced women and girls remain at particular risk of sexual and gender-based violence by armed men and civilians. The US military increasingly conducted airstrikes in Somalia and joint military operations against Al-Shabab. Part of the risk of greater foreign intervention in Somalia arises from intensified regional and geopolitical rivalries, which shape local contestations in Somalia — and are also shaped by those local dynamics. Amnesty International documented the killing of a member of parliament and a child on December 14. Military courts continue to try defendants in a broad range of cases, including for terrorism-related offenses, in proceedings that violate fair trial standards. The cold war conflict between Qatar and Turkey, on the one hand, and Saudi Arabia and the Emirates, on the other, intersects with and exacerbates conflicts and tensions between Somalia’s Government and the country’s federal member states, themselves already at a level of tension and suspicion not seen in years. The Centre provides training for young displaced Somali men and women in construction, engineering and plumbing. In December 2018, during the run-up to regional presidential elections in Baidoa, Ethiopian forces  arrested Mukhtar Robow, a former Al-Shabab leader who ran for the regional presidency, sparking protests. continue to threaten several lives in Somalia today. According to media reports and the UN, between December 31, 2018, and early November, 2019, the government had carried out at least 16 executions, all for alleged terrorism-related offenses. Risk is present throughout the country, including urban areas, risk present at all altitudes. 35.26 (2020) Energy Imports Net ... Find relevant data on energy production, total primary energy supply, electricity consumption and CO2 emissions for Somalia on IndexMundi Homepage. Media and NGOs documented several civilian casualties. In addition to reviewing the relevant existing literature, this study is principally based on fieldwork conducted in Mogadishu and Baidoa, Somalia, in January 2020. Al-Shabab conducted targeted and indiscriminate attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure using improvised explosive devices (IEDs), suicide bombings, and shelling, as well as assassinations, particularly in Mogadishu and Lower Shabelle, which resulted in over 750 civilian deaths and injuries, according to the UN. Analysis - The African Union Peace and Security Council's (PSC) response to emerging crises in 2020 was marginal. Since 2012, after helping to dramatically weaken a brutal, dangerous al-Shabaab regime that controlled much of the country, the international community has assisted in building State institutions in Somalia, which had been overwhelmingly destroyed in two and half decades of civil war. This material has been funded by UK aid from the UK government; however the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the UK government’s official policies. Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people in 90 countries worldwide, spotlighting abuses and bringing perpetrators to justice, Human Rights Watch is a 501(C)(3) nonprofit registered in the US under EIN: 13-2875808, Displacement and Access to Humanitarian Assistance, Two Years After #MeToo Erupts, A New Treaty Anchors Workplace Shifts, Holding Companies to Account: Momentum Builds for Corporate Human Rights Duties, As Killer Robots Loom, Demands Grow to Keep Humans in Control of Use of Force, Shutting Down the Internet to Shut Up Critics, With Millions Out of School, the Countdown Begins to Get All Children into Quality, Accessible Education, Going to the Bank for Food, Not Money: The Growing Reality of Hunger in “Rich” Countries, African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) troops, first independent National Human Rights Commission, Military courts continue to try defendants in a broad range of cases, killings, maiming, and the recruitment and use of child soldiers, at particular risk of sexual and gender-based violence, police detained for three days Ali Adan Munim, many of them children and internally displaced. Rather than respond to the military chain of command, many local SNA units display greater loyalty to their own clan and community interests; they use the SNA to abuse and exploit rival clans. Somalia. As a result of more than 25 years of civil unrest, Somalia’s governance structures have fallen apart, and militias control different parts of the country. Post was not sent - check your email addresses! Steps should be taken to hold accountable the most egregiously behaving militias. UNICEF Somalia Amina, 24, is bringing sustainable solar energy to her community and challenging stereotypes. The epidemiology of COVID-19 and its interaction with other diseases in Somalia, and in Africa, is not yet known, but will be revealed in the coming weeks. Violence in Somalia first grabbed the attention of Americans in 1993 when 19 U.S. soldiers were killed while supporting a United Nations mission in the Battle of Mogadishu. Two journalists, Mohamed Sahal Omar and Somali-Canadian Hodan Nalayeh, were killed in a July 12 Al-Shabab attack on a hotel in the southern port city of Kismayo. Positively, Somalia ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and produced its first report for the Committee on the Rights of the Child. Report of the Secretary-General on Somalia (S/2018/800) Source. The decision to double down on pro-Government militias to address the threats posed by al- Shabaab thus risks producing new drivers of conflict while perpetuating deeply rooted intercommunal tensions. Somalia has been in arrears to the IMF for over three decades—the ... the IMF has welcomed Somalis’ intention to begin making payments on arrears starting in 2020 … Nonetheless, rolling back militias in Somalia does not seem feasible at this time, given al- Shabaab’s new momentum and the lack of progress in building up the State’s capacities. Even countries such as the United Kingdom and Germany (which have been at the forefront of multilateral efforts in Somalia) are increasingly motivated to support at least one set of militia groups — the State-supported paramilitary darwish (also known as “special police forces”) — through financial and possibly other non- lethal support.2 These countries’ rationale is that, although reliance on militia groups for counter-terrorism and security is problematic, it is equally unsustainable and problematic to rely on the small and incompetent SNA and the national Somali Police Force (SPF). Somali government forces responded to a handful of largely peaceful demonstrations with lethal force. The full case study can be found here. As part of its continuing efforts to combat al-Shabaab, the international community has partnered with Somalia’s national Government to build Somalia’s official armed and law enforcement forces and civilian institutions of governance, while advancing a plan to devolve power to the country’s states (known as federal member states). All Somali parties to the conflict commited serious abuses against children, including killings, maiming, and the recruitment and use of child soldiers. Attention to ensuring accountability for abuses remained minimal. Human Rights Watch opposes the death penalty in all cases. The second part of the study analyses the structural and political drivers of militia formation and persistence in Somalia. Al-Shabab  executed after unfair trials individuals it accused of working or spying for the government and foreign forces, with media reporting an uptick in executions mid-year; and extorted “taxes” through threats. The cases of two girls who were gang raped by civilians and died received significant public attention. Militia groups have historically been a defining feature of Somalia’s conflict landscape, especially since the ongoing civil war began three decades ago. Ilhan Omar says Trump doing 'what Somali dictators used to do’ ... Somalia embroiled in diplomatic row after expelling UN envoy. Many local communities deeply distrust and resent the SNA, which they perceive as more of a conglomeration of militias than as a competent State security service. United Nations officials and international diplomats, interviews with the author, Mogadishu, January 2020. The newspaper was accused of spreading misinformation after it reported on the building of a new presidential palace in Hargeisa. 4 in 100 Somali children die during the first month of life, 8 in 100 before their first birthday, and 1 in 8 before they turn five. But eight years later, many of these efforts have not yet delivered results. Last modified on Thu 15 Oct 2020 09.21 EDT More than 2 million people could face starvation by the end of the summer, unless there are urgent efforts to respond to the drought in Somalia . A poorly concluded defeat of al-Shabaab could actually plunge the country back into open fighting as the remaining militias compete for power. These forces operate outside of the mandate and framework of the African Union and the United Nations, and harken back to the troubled period of Ethiopia’s intervention in Somalia between 2006 and 2009. Malaria - Overview How to Protect Yourself Against Malaria World Malaria Risk Chart. Somalia is not graded in the 2020 Index because of the continuing unavailability of relevant comparable statistics on all facets of the economy. COVID-Induced Khat Shortage Adds to Health Problems in Somalia More Somali men buy khat stimulant leaves at an open air market in Hodan district of Mogadishu, Somalia June 22, 2020. A fair chance in life begins with a strong, healthy start. As such, their increasingly central role in the fight against al-Shabaab is a double-edged sword: short-term military gains must be balanced against the militias’ longer-term, destabilizing impact. Somalia is marauded with a number of domestic problems including poverty, lack of basic services, national debt, and security issues to name a few, however of all of these problems, the most pressing is the lack of access to clean water that the nation faces. The ban on Foore was lifted in August. The states can use the militias as a bargaining tool in their negotiations with Mogadishu over power distribution. November 2020. In response, clan elders and local communities have bolstered their own clan militias as protection — not only against al-Shabaab, but also against the SNA. In May, security forces killed at least one child as students peacefully protested in Beletweyn, following a government decision to postpone exams. As a result, it is imperative that CCCM partners are equipped with guidance in order to continue site-­‐level activities supporting displaced with the ongoing COVID-­‐ 19 pandemic. The message from al-Shabab only adds to the government's concerns, especially as it could oppose medical help from international aid agencies just as it … Relations between the federal government and the federal member states deteriorated, diverting attention from needed reforms and on occasion resulting in abuses. The second section of the study also reviews various types of militia groups in Somalia, including clan-based forces, contract militias, federal member state paramilitary darwish and militias sponsored by external actors. CCCM partners in Somalia play a critical role in administering site­‐level coordination which feeds up to the national level. Guidance for the Brookings community and the public on our response to the coronavirus (COVID-19) », Learn more from Brookings scholars about the global response to coronavirus (COVID-19) ». Report of the Secretary-General on Somalia (S/2017/1109) Source. It also describes the pro-militia arguments made by Somali politicians, government officials, clan elders and international actors. Deeply entrenched in the political economy of Somalia, militias have strong tendencies to appropriate political authority, strengthen authoritarian forms of rule, monopolize local economies and engage in other mafia-like economic and political activities. The SNA is alleged to be unreliable in delivering basic security. On February 10, the regional court in Hargeisa suspended the Foore newspaper for one year and fined the editor, Abdirashid Abdiwahab Ibrahim, 3 million Somaliland shillings (US$300). World. Sixty-seven percent of this figure is due to indiscriminate and targeted attacks, the majority improvised explosive devices (IEDs) attacks, by the Islamist armed group Al-Shabab. This study first provides an overview of the evolution and current state of the political, economic and battlefield power of al-Shabaab, alongside the capacities and deficiencies of both the various Somali national security services and the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). In 2018, the UN documented more cases of children recruited and used as soldiers in Somalia than in any other country in the world. Following the December 2018 police violence in Baidoa, key international partners—the European Union, the United Kingdom and Germany—temporarily suspended support to police in the South West State. Dozens were arbitrarily arrested, reportedly including children. Worse still, Somalia’s militia groups, particularly without supervision or assured sustainable income, tend to engage in predatory and, at times, violent behaviour, both on rival communities and even within their own. These individuals  faced serious abuses, including sexual violence, forced evictions, and limited access to basic needs such as food and water. They compete with each other and, at times, with the federal Government. The UN and Norwegian Refugee Council also reported that over 300,000 people had been newly displaced as of September. If remittances to Somalia do diminish significantly and the Hajj pilgrimage to Saudi Arabia is cancelled, if food imports remain restricted and prices start to rise, pressure will quickly mount. The United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) recorded a total of 1,154 civilian casualties by mid-November. Communities create or join such groups as a primary response to conditions of insecurity, vulnerability and contestation. State-aligned militias help to offset the weakness of Somalia’s official security forces, produce greater motivation and better intelligence and enhance bonds with local communities, perhaps even suppressing crime and intraclan violence. Embracing militias carries many risks: As this study details, the loyalties of militia groups are fluid, as they are susceptible to recruitment by their enemies and may prioritize their own interests — or those of an external patron — over those of the State. Politics | December 11th 2020 Covid-19 exacerbates risk of civil unrest in Africa in 2021 The adverse effects of Covid-19 will linger in 2021, and another wave of civil unrest could regain momentum. However, Somalia’s State-aligned militia groups are also an underlying source of insecurity, violent contestation, abusive rule, impunity and pernicious outside manipulation. Ahead of Dec parliamentary elections and Feb 2021 presidential vote, federal govt early Nov appointed federal electoral commission, dispute…. UN SC; Published 30 Aug 2018. There was a significant  number of arbitrary arrests of journalists and temporary closure of media outlets. In addition, the regions of Somaliland and Puntland have unilaterally declared autonomy. Al-Shabab continues to prohibit many nongovernmental organizations and all UN agencies from working in areas under its control, blockading some government-controlled towns. This strategy based on auxiliary forces competes with ongoing efforts to bolster the State-building effort, including training of the official Somalinational forces (which include the national military, police and intelligence agencies), expanding a defectors’ programme for al- Shabaab and efforts to integrate at least some of demobilized militias into the official security sector. It declared that  2.1 million Somalis face acute food insecurity, as of late September, many of them children and internally displaced. Integrating militias into formal security forces; Putting them on payroll and providing them with non-lethal assistance without integrating them into formal forces; Disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR); Addressing local conflicts as an indirect approach to eliminating the impetus for militias. Three men were sentenced to death under Puntland’s 2016 Sexual Offences Act, which includes death penalty sentences for “aggravated” cases of rape. The study then assesses the effectiveness and shortcomings of existing responses to militias in Somalia, providing recommendations to national actors, policymakers and practitioners. In January, when Somalia became a member of the UN Human Rights Council, the federal government expelled the UN head in Somalia, Nicholas Haysom, pointing to a letter in which he had raised human rights concerns around government actions in Baidoa. Somalia. Poor rains and extended drought over multiple seasons have had a major impact on rural livelihoods and food security in Somalia, pushing the country to the brink of famine, just five years after the crisis of 2011 that claimed the lives of over a quarter of a million people.. Over half of the country’s population -- 6.7 million people –are now acutely food insecure (IPC 2,3 and 4). To sav… As a United Nations official in Mogadishu put it, “We have tried to get to reduced killing in Somalia without ever resolving Somalia’s conflicts.”3 And in the words of an international military advisor in Baidoa: “Fighting a war through proxies is fraught with proxy problems downstream.”4 There is growing evidence that embracing militias rewards entrepreneurs of violence, reinforces impunity, and perpetuates violence. Somalia General Health Risks: Malaria Malaria is transmitted by the night-time - dusk to dawn - biting female Anopheles mosquito. While Somali authorities seldom investigate cases of killings or attacks on journalists, a Somali media organization reported that the military court in Mogadishu in absentia sentenced to five years a police officer for the July 2018 killing of cameraman Abdirizak Kasim Iman. 15 Sep 2017 The government also arbitrarily arrested perceived government critics. The following introduction is an excerpt from the case study, "The problem with militias in Somalia: Almost everyone wants them despite their dangers," produced by Vanda Felbab-Brown for the United Nations University report, "Hybrid conflict, hybrid peace: How militias and paramilitary groups shape post-conflict transitions," of which Adam Day was the project lead. Aisha Ilyas Adan, 12, went missing on February 24, and her body was discovered the next day near her home in North Galkayo, Puntland. US Election 2020. Appointment of electoral commissions, in charge of overseeing upcoming indirect elections, sparked major dispute; tensions rose with Kenya; and Al-Shabaab continued deadly attacks. Somali powerbrokers, subfederal authorities, the national Government and external interveners have all turned to armed groups as a primary tool for prosecuting their interests. According to the same assessment, almost 6.2million people across Somalia are projected to be in crisis and emergency (IPC Phases 3 and 4) acute food insecurity crisis – with IDPs accounting for over 70 per cent of the total. In April, AFRICOM acknowledged two civilian casualties in an April 2018 strike, citing internal reporting errors. As a result, countries such as the United States, Kenya, Ethiopia and the United Arab Emirates — the former three of which have military forces in Somalia — are losing their appetite for the State-building project in Somalia.1 With the SNA chronically underperforming, these countries are poised to intensify their cultivation of pro- Government militias to fight against al-Shabaab. It details the evolution, effectiveness and effects on stabilization efforts of several militia groups — Macawiisleey, Ahlu SunnaWal Jama’a, South-West Special Police, Mukhtar Robow’s militias, Ahmed Madobe’s militias (the Jubbaland State Forces), the Puntland Maritime Police Force (PMPF) and the Puntland Security Force (PSF). To understand how these militias form and operate, the study provides a detailed portrait of several prototypical militiagroups — namely, Macawiisleey, Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama’a, the South-West Special Police, Mukhtar Robow’s militias, Ahmed Madobe’s militias (the Jubbaland State Forces), the PMPF and the PSF. Cale Salih (Tokyo: United Nations University, 2018). Intensified rivalries between Somalia’s federal Government and the federal member states further hamper the deployment and effectiveness of the SNA. The Somali penal code, currently being revised, classifies sexual violence as an “offence against modesty and sexual honor” rather than as a violation of bodily integrity; it also punishes same-sex intercourse. She is learning how to install solar panels at the UNICEF-supported Youth Empowerment Centre in Dollow, Somalia. The UN documented over 100 incidents of sexual violence against girls. COVID-induced khat shortage adds to health problems in Somalia Friday July 24, 2020 A doctor reviews a patient at the Habeeb Mental health hospital where they deal with khat addiction in Waberi district of Mogadishu, Somalia June 23, 2020. For instance, the federal member states — which carefully guard their autonomy, despite the existence of a formally agreed Somali national security infrastructure framework — see the militias as a crucial security hedge against the power of Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital. 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